Monday, November 28, 2011

Medical Malpractice Caps Hurt Patients

The U.S. House is set to consider on the Republicans' Jobs Through Growth Act, which contains a section aimed at reforming medical malpractice by imposing caps on economic and non-economic damages similar to those in place in Texas. Texas limits non-economic and exemplary (punitive) damages in all cases, and limits what relatives can get in cases of wrongful death. An obvious disturbing consequence is that caps reduce compensation to severely-injured individuals. Caps would hurt consumers in a second way -- lower damage awards would reduce medical professional liability insurers' financial incentives to reduce practice risk.

Much of the protection consumers have against irresponsible and negligent behavior on the part of health care providers hinges on oversight and incentives created by the medical professional liability insurance industry. A nationwide shift to caps could result in more cases of negligence and substandard care.

Support for caps comes from individuals who see the medical malpractice system as broken, largely based on anecdotal observations. Everyone seems to have heard a story of a high verdict to a plaintiff whose claim was not valid. Yet, careful studies suggest these cases are anomalies, and the court system generally works. While there are no statistics for the country as a whole, based on the existing evidence, we can say confidently that a good chunk of initial claims (likely more than three-quarters) do not move forward because no negligence was involved. The vast majority of cases that do move forward settle.

This means that court signals from earlier trials are clear. If court awards were random, one would expect many more cases to go to court as there would be an expectation of an award even where there was no negligence. Many cases go to court because plaintiffs think they have a case when they do not. We know this because plaintiffs rarely win; less than a quarter of all cases that go to court are resolved in favor of the plaintiff. At least one study found court findings of negligence lined up with assessments by impartial reviewing physicians.

Critics of the legal system point out that many cases of negligence are not reported or adjudicated. However, every review has found claims are concentrated among a very small subset of physicians; less than five percent of physicians are responsible for the overwhelming share of claims. Even if a large percentage of negligent actions are not reported, it would seem that the present system works in identifying physicians whose practice patterns put patients at risk.

For the system to work to reduce practice risk, malpractice premiums must be experience rated -- physicians who exhibit risky behaviors must face higher malpractice insurance premiums than their less-risky peers. The conventional wisdom among health policy experts has been that experience rating does not occur. But this is not true: high-risk physicians pay up to 500% more for insurance than their less-risky peers.

Insurance companies specialize. Some only insure physicians with spotless records. Others, the surplus lines carriers, specialize in underwriting the highest-risk physicians -- at any given time between two and ten percent of practicing physicians. As one broker put it, because it is so costly, being forced into the surplus lines market gets a physician's attention and motivates efforts to reduce practice risk.

New procedures are often left to surplus lines carriers to underwrite, adding a layer of oversight to the introduction of new procedures such as Lasik eye surgery and laparoscopic gallbladder surgery. On rare occasions, carriers deny coverage, which precludes affiliation with most hospitals and health maintenance organizations -- which effectively means these really risky physicians are forced out of practice, which is exactly the desired result.

Beyond individual underwriting to identify at-risk physicians, the medical professional liability insurance industry makes significant contributions to risk reduction in other ways. Companies offer premium discounts to physicians who take risk management seminars. The Physicians Insurers Association of America's Data Sharing Project identifies risky practice patterns. High insurance premiums motivated anesthesiologists to evaluate the risk associated with their practice patterns. As a result, anesthesiology is much safer than it used to be. Some insurers visit physician offices to evaluate safety and risk.

In 1992, when Congress tried to "help" community and migrant health centers by taking on their malpractice risk, many of the health centers resisted, lamenting the loss of the risk-management services the private carriers supplied.

Under the current system, liability motivates these efforts to reduce risk. Reducing liability, as caps do, is rarely a good idea in any situation. Placing caps would reduce malpractice insurers' incentives to oversee physician practice patterns and reduce incentives to manage risk in our health care system, and make health care that much riskier for all of us.

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source: Huffington Post (Svorny, 11/23)

Wednesday, November 16, 2011

Changes to Texas law have affected oversight of nursing homes

DALLAS - Texas has heavily reduced its enforcement of rules that govern the state's nursing homes, due in part to budget cuts, legislative changes and inspectors being discouraged from citing bad conditions, according to an analysis by a newspaper.

Texas has all but stopped imposing the most severe penalties, such as revoking a home's license and government contracts, or seeking a court-appointed overseer against nursing homes in violation, the Dallas Morning News reported.

Four employees who performed inspections for the state in recent months said that their superiors often resist letting them cite homes for possible life-threatening abuse and neglect, the newspaper reported.

"They'll say, 'You just don't have it,'" said a highly experienced inspector, who still works for the state and asked not to be identified out of fear of retaliation. "You feel it's to the point of immediate jeopardy, and to be told 'no' is quite mind-boggling."

But Chris Traylor, commissioner for the Texas Department of Aging and Disability Services, said the agency's nursing-home enforcement leaders aren't impeding tough enforcement.

"That's nonsense," Traylor said in a statement. "Our message to staff consistently has been, 'Call it like you see it, and do whatever is necessary to protect the health and safety of residents.'"

Tim Graves, head of the Texas Health Care Association, which represents for-profit nursing homes, said the enforcement system is working.

"I'm at a comfort level with where we are," said Graves, who added: "We have a regulatory structure in Texas that's probably as tough as any state's."

Findings of report

The newspaper reported that its 2½-month investigation found that:
  • State regulators whose job is to keep shoddy operators from owning or running homes have done cursory, and at times inaccurate, background checks that in at least one case failed to keep out a federally banned health-care provider.
  • State budget cuts have reduced staff by about one-fourth since 2001, even as the number of nursing homes in Texas is virtually unchanged, at about 1,200.
  • Legislative changes, especially limits on lawsuit damages passed in 2003, have virtually eliminated trial lawyers as de facto watchdogs of nursing homes. Other changes limited the state's ability to fine nursing homes and have created an industry-friendly cadre of "quality monitors."
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source: Houston Chronicle (AP, 11/14)

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Friday, November 11, 2011

Victims, family members file lawsuit seeking $750 million for Fort Hood shooting

WASHINGTON (AP) — Eighty-three victims and family members in the worst-ever mass shooting at a U.S. military installation are seeking $750 million in compensation from the Army, alleging that willful negligence enabled psychiatrist Maj. Nidal Hasan to carry out a terrorist attack at Fort Hood, Texas.

The administrative claims filed last week said the government had clear warnings that Hasan, who is scheduled to go on trial in March, posed a grave danger to the lives of soldiers and civilians.

The government bowed to political correctness and not only ignored the threat Hasan presented but actually promoted him to the rank of major five months before the massacre, according to the administrative claims against the Defense Department, the Justice Department and the FBI. Thirteen soldiers and civilians were killed and more than two dozen soldiers and civilians were injured in the Nov. 5, 2009, shooting spree.

Fifty-four relatives of eight of the murdered soldiers have filed claims. One civilian police officer and nine of the injured soldiers have filed claims along with 19 family members of those 10.

"It was unconscionable that Hasan was allowed to continue in the military and ultimately be in the position to perpetrate the only terror attack committed on U.S. soil since 9/11," attorney Neal Sher, who represents the claimants, told The Associated Press.

"We're aware claims have been filed, but we're not going to comment on it," Christopher Haug, chief of media relations for the public affairs office at Fort Hood, said Thursday. "They'll be taken seriously and they'll go through the legal process."

Among the claimants is a civilian police officer who shot Hasan, Sgt. Kimberly Munley, who was hit in the leg and hand in an exchange of gunfire that has cut short her law enforcement career. She underwent a series of surgeries for her wounds and is on unpaid leave from her post as a civilian police officer with the Army.

"I brought this claim because I strongly believe this tragedy was totally preventable and that the Army swept under the rug what they knew about Hasan," Munley said in a statement.

Munley and her partner, Sgt. Mark Todd, another civilian officer in Fort Hood's police force, are credited with shooting Hasan, ending the violence.

Hasan, an American-born Muslim, faces the death penalty or life in prison without parole if convicted of 13 counts of premeditated murder and 32 counts of attempted premeditated murder.

U.S. officials have said they believe Hasan's attack was inspired by the radical U.S.-born cleric Anwar al-Awlaki and that the two men exchanged as many as 20 emails. Al-Awlaki was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Yemen in late September. His name has not yet been mentioned in any hearings in the criminal case against Hasan.

"It is a tragic irony that our government sought out and killed al-Awlaki, while Hasan was promoted in the Army which enabled him to carry out his murderous terror attack," said Sher, who for many years ran the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations that hunted Nazi criminals living illegally in the United States. He also is a former executive director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a pro-Israel lobbying group.

Evidence of Hasan's radicalization to violent Islamist extremism was on full display to his superiors and colleagues during military medical training, according to a Senate report issued in February and included as an exhibit accompanying the claims.

In the events leading up to the shooting, an instructor and a colleague each referred to Hasan as a "ticking time bomb," according to the report by Sens. Joe Lieberman, I-Conn., and Susan Collins of Maine, the chairman and ranking Republican, respectively, on the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.

In classroom presentations, Hasan repeatedly spoke of violent Islamist extremism instead of medical subjects and justified suicide bombings, said the report, which concluded that Hasan's superiors failed to discipline him, refer him to counterintelligence officials or seek to discharge him.


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source: NY Times (AP, 11/10)

Thursday, November 3, 2011

Oklahoman criticizes trial lawyers' response to new tort reform law

The Oklahoman (11/2) editorialized, "Effective Tuesday, the state entered the modern age of tort reform with legislation its supporters hope will better position Oklahoma to recruit physicians and encourage business relocation. Time will tell if either goal is realized."

The Oklahoman said that predictably, trial lawyers responded "with growling threats to challenge the constitutionality of tort reform bills. Such challenges are what led Texas to enact tort reform through constitutional amendments rather than statutes." The same thing "may need to happen" in Oklahoma "if the trial bar releases the hounds."